The War of Independence

• The beginning of the National Struggle and its aims

• The eastern front

• The southern front

• The western front

• The Treaty of Lausanne

Conclusion

The War of Independence

1. The beginning of the National Struggle and its aims

Following the signing of the Mudros Truce Agreement the process of discharging and disarming the Turkish Army began, in accordance with the conditions of the treaty. The duration of the Truce can be conside red as having been between 30 October 1918 and 15 May 1919. During this period, the French occupied the province of Adana, and the British occupied Urfa, Marash, and Antep (later they would be transferred to the French). Italian soldiers were present in Antalya and Konya, and British soldiers were in Merzifon and Samsun. We no longer consider the provinces of Mussul and Syria, for they had been relinquished before the treaty.

We have previously examined the situation in the eastern front when the treaty was announced, and the new situation which arose following the treaty when the Turkish Army retreated behind the borders of 1914. When the Greeks occupied Izmir on IS May 1919, the period of the Armistice came to a de facto, if not de jure, end.

Mustafa Kemal Pasha (the name Atatürk had not yet been adopted) landed in Samsun on 19 May 1919, and thus began the period which we call the National Struggle. The aims of the National Struggle were announced to the world for the first time with the resolutions adopted by the Sivas Congress on 11 September 1919. We quote below some articles of this decision, which are of interest to our topic by virtue of their historical importance:

1). The Ottoman Empire which is within the borders of October 30th, 1334 [1918], the date when the truce between the Great Ottoman State and the Allied States was signed, and every part of which has an overwhelming majority of Muslims, constitutes a whole, which will not be divided for any reason…

2). It is necessary that National Independence is made effective, and the will of the nation is made sovereign in order to ensure the integrity of the Ottoman community, the independence of our nation, the protection of the sublime office, and the inviolability of the Sultanate.

3). The principle of united defense and resistance to any interference and especially invasion of any part of the Ottoman Empire, and to any movement directed especially to the establishment of an autonomous Greece or Armenia within our country, as in the natio nal struggle along the fronts of Aydin, Manisa, and Balikesir, has been accepted as legitimate.

4). Because all rights of the non-Muslim elements with whom we have been living for a long time in the same country are entirely protected, these elements will not be given privileges which infringe our political

sovereignty and internal order. Later, these principles were codified by a regulation during the last Ottoman Assembly which met in Istanbul on 28 January 1920. Because of its historical importance, we quote below the first article of this regulation, which is known in Turkish history as the National Pact.

1. As it will be necessary to determine the fate of the areas of the Ottoman State, which are exclusively inhabited by an Arab majority, and which were occupied by the enemy armies at the time of the conclusion of the truce dated 30 October 1918, through the votes of the inhabitants of these areas, the area inhabited by the Ottoman Muslim majority, within the aforementioned trivial border, united in religion and customs, saturated by feelings of sacrifice and reciprocal respect towards one another, and entirely respectful of their social rights and the conditions of their surroundings, is a whole which cannot be separated for any reason.

After Istanbul had been occupied by the Allies on 16 March 1920, the Assembly dissolved, and the deputies who had been arrested exiled to Malta, the Grand National Assembly which opened on 23 April 1920 in Ankara elected Mustafa Kemal Pasha as its President at its first session, and from that date onward the center and nucleus of the National Struggle was Ankara. Let us hear from Atatürk himself about the condition of the army within the borders of the truce when the National Struggle began:

“…Mainly two army inspectorships had been established in Anatolia. As soon as this truce became effective, the troops had been discharged, their weapons and ammunition had been taken away from them, some cadres lacking combative value had been formed. The situation of the troops belonging to the 2nd Army Inspectorship, whose base was in Konya, was as follows:

The l2th Army Corps Headquarters were in Konya; one division (4lst division) was in Konya, and one division (23rd division) was in Afyon Karahisar. The 57th division in Denizli of the l7th Army Corps which surrendered in Izmir had been added to this Army Corps. The 2nd Army Corps Headquarters were in Ankara, one of its divisions (24^th division) was in Ankara, one division (l1th division) was in Nigde; the 1^st division which was in Izmir had been added to the 25th Army Corps in Istanbul. The 10th Caucasus division was in Istanbul. The 6lst and the 56th divisions, which were in the vicinity of Balikesir and Bursa, formed the l4th Army Corps, whose headquarters were in Bandirma, and which depended on Istanbul.

I was the Inspector of the 3rd Army Inspectorship. I had landed in Samsun with my headquarters. I would have directly under my command two Army Corps. One of them was the 3rd Army Corps, whose base was in Sivas... the base of a division (5 th Caucasus division) belonging to this Army Corps was in Amasya, t he base of the other division (l5th division) was in Samsun. The other was the l5th Army Corps which was based in Erzurum... One of its divisions (9th division) was based in Erzurum, and the other (3rd division) was based in Trabzon. Of the other two divisions of the Army Corps, the l2th division was at the border near Hasankale, and the l2th division was in Beyazit.

The 14th Army Corps which had two divisions in the vicinity of Diyarbekir was independent. It was attached to Istanbul. One of its divisions (2^nd division) was in Siirt, and the other (5^th division) was in Mardin. In his memoirs, Kazim Karabekir Pasha, the Commander of the l5th Army Corps, has stated that this Army Corps, which would execute the operation in the east, totaled 17,860 soldiers.

The National Struggle began with these forces at hand. First the eastern front was cleared, followed by the southern front. Subsequently the western front was cleared, the enemy soldiers were driven out of the country, and the Struggle ended with the signing of the Mudanya Truce on 11 October 1922. The Struggle, which began on 19 May 1919, and whose aims were announced on 11 September 1919, lasted for 3 years, 4 months, and 22 days”.

We shall now examine these three fronts in turn.

2. The eastern front

In my opinion the person who best knew the eastern front operation in Turkey was the late Kazim Karabekir Pasha, who led this operation from the first day to the last as a responsible commander. Because of this, the best way to explain this subject would be through quotations from his book entitled Our War of Independence. The documents which would leave no doubt in one’s mind would be the orders of the front. (We do not refer to communiques, but rather to orders given to the units.)

Colonel A. Rawlinson, of the British Army, had been charged with supervising the implementation of the truce conditions in the eastern front. We shall also quote from Rawlinson, who later published an account of his activities in the region.

After the truce had been signed, Kazim Karabekir Pasha went to Istanbul. For some reason it was decided that he should return to lead his Army Corps, and he left Istanbul on 12 April 1919, arriving in Erzurum on 3 May, to resume his duty. On the day he arrived, Rushtu Bey, the Commander of the 9^th division, who assisted him, showed him an order sent by Rawlinson. In this order it was stated that Lieutenant-Colonel Halit Bey, the Commander of the 3rd division was to be arrested and sent to Trabzon, because he had retaliated against the Georgians. The first meeting between Karabekir Pasha and Rawlinson was interesting. We quote from p. 23 of his book. This meeting is significant in that it shows just how limited, in practice, was the power of an army corps commander in the east during the period of the truce:

“Today Rawlinson, the British colonel, came to visit me. A summary of our discussion is as follows: I asked him what his duty was. He said that it was to supervise the implementation of the treaty conditions in the East. I asked why in that case he had written as if he was giving orders to the divisions and the Army Corps. We were speaking in French. He said that such situations would not recur from now on. Communicating through an interpreter was creating misunderstandings. I said, from now on you will tell me your wishes, but any decision will be implemented absolutely by an order from the Ministry of War. Your note stating that if Halit Bey, the Commander of the 3rd Army Corps, is not arrested, the Assistant to the Army Corps, Rushtu Bey, would go, created very negative reactions among the people.

I only arrived yesterday, and many people and officials came to see me. I stated, if the situation is out of control on the first day, we both can be in danger. Rawlinson reftected for a while, and thought that my statements were reasonable. He said that from now on he would act more politely. I said "Mr Lieutenant-Colonel, if you wish, let me send an officer to accompany you. However, we do not have someone who speaks English. I will find someone who speaks French. Rawlinson was very pleased. (I sent an officer who also spoke English, with the instruction that he did not disclose that he spoke English, and I benefited a great deal from this. I would have been informed much earlier of the conversations and correspondence in his office.)

The next day he acted very sincerely when I returned his visit. He brought the conversation to the Bolsheviks. He stated that the situation was a difficult one because their administration was now in order. I mentioned that there was no reason to be concerned about the Caucasus, because the Cossacks supported the Czar. He said, unfortunately they, too, have changed. When I stated that the opposition would take care of the situation with a strong army, he said impossible, impossible, it is impossible to summon new forces, besides, the Bolsheviks have many armies, the thing to do is to prevent Bolshevism spreading to other countries, they are sending their propagandists everywhere. Today, Rawlinson did not mention Halit Bey or the arms. I felt that he was trying to push me to take action, claiming that the Bolsheviks were in the Caucasus, when I was making plans so as not to hand over a Commander or arms”.

Rawlinson and Karabekir Pasha met again on 29 June 1919. We shall also quote this meeting (pp. 62-3):

“June 29^th was the Ramazan holiday. Rawlinson, a Russian lieutenant-colonel from the Denikin Army, and an American lieutenant (he was one of the councillors of Admiral Bristol in Istanbul) came to visit me. It is apparent that the Russian lieutenant-colonel is searching for the materials of Russian armies, but emotionally he is very weak. When I returned the visit, the American was in Rawlinson’s room. At one time, Rawlinson, as a joke, touched slightly the American’s side pocket, and said: ‘The concern of Americans is to fill their pockets with dollars.’ The American replied somewhat seriously: ‘And the concern of the British is to swallow the entire world, what are you doing here?’ Rawlinson became angry, he stopped talking French, and said something in English. And the American replied. Their attitude made me thin k that Rawlinson said ‘You have acted improperly,’ and that the American replied: ‘You acted improperly in the first place.’ I also invited the foreigners to the Gymnastics Day at the Kars Gate on June 30th. The cheerfulness and agility of all Erzurumites filled our hearts. The foreigners watched with awe.

After a white, the American requested permission to leave, stating ‘I will go tomorrow’. He was followed by Rawlinson who did not leave the American alone. We were alone with the Russian officers. The Russian colonel approached me. He stated that the Bolsheviks had also successfully occupied Lengeran (to the south of Baku on the shores of the Caspian Sea), and that it was true that Enver had arrived at Kerus. He seemed quite sincere. I realize this truth: the American and Russian officers were not pleased with the sovereignity of the British, especially in the East, and described the general situation to us in glowing terms. From this point I probed the Russian officer’s thoughts and I told him: ‘It is of no importance to us whether the Bolsheviks have come or not, whether Enver has come or not. The nation has made its decision. Turkey shall live independently. These areas, too, belong to the Turks. No one else may reside here.’ The eyes of the Russian colonel sparkled. His speech became more agitated. He aid: ‘What are these British doing here? Our governments are responsible for the mistakes. The sincere agreements between the Russians and the Turks should not have allowed these misfortunes to happen. At least from now on, this must be ensured and these men must be driven away. The British are very much afraid of the Bolsheviks, and they are gathering their soldiers from everywhere to Iran.

The Russian officers have made statements here and there against the British. Rawlinson was informed, the men could not stay for more than one or two days, they went outside the borders. A few days later, when Rawlinson mentioned this, he grumbled and said, ‘Are these rascals also Bolsheviks? I brought them in order that they might do a useful job; that they find ammunition for the Denikin Army, but they are doing other things. The officers of the Denikin Army are only for show, they are not an army but a herd, the Bolsheviks are better then they are.’ It was stated in the information which arrived from the Beyazit Commander on June 30th, that because the Armenians had occupied the area of Nahichevan, and they wanted the Muslims to hand over their arms, the people had sent men asking what we can do. I had protested to Rawlinson. He had stated that there were no British troops left in the Caucasus, and that there was nothing he could do. I wrote the following coded order to the 11th division command in Van in Beyazit, to which he belonged:

‘The atrocities which the Armenians have begun in the area of Nahichevan are the result of their enraged actions, as they realise these are their last days. Consequently, they will gain time if the intelligent people of Nahichevan mediate and suggest to those Armenians who are reasonable, the point of view regarding the reconciliation of the Armenians and the forces which have come to Shush and Kerusi, and which includes Armenians. This would be very beneficial. However, the principle of any agreement should be not to hand over arms, and not to relinquish strong positions. This has been written to the Commanders of the l1th division and Beyazit. July 1,1335, Kazim Karabekir”.

The American to whom Kazim Karabekir referred was Robert Dunn. He too, has written his memoirs. The passage concerning the above-mentioned conversation is on p. 311 of his book. It is useful to record a conversation which took place before these two individuals arrived at Erzurum. Robert Dunn gives the account of this conversation on p. 309 of his book:

“…Next I was drinking Scotch with British ‘I’ officers in Erzurum, in what had been an American mission school for girls. Now it housed Colonel Toby Rawlinson from Donsterville’s hush -hush army. They put me up and I heard, in Oxford English, more stories of Armenians murdering Turks when the czarist troops fled north. My hosts told me of their duty here: to keep tab on brigands, Turkish troop shifts, hidden arms, spies - Christian, Red or Tartar - coming in from Transcaucasus. Then they spoke of the hell that would break loose if Versailles were to put, as threatened, the six ‘Armenian’ vilayets of Turkey under the control of Iravan (Yerevan).

‘We sit on the edge of a volcano, Dunn,’ said Rawlinson.

‘So you want us to take a mandate over it all,’ I said, ‘as buffer to your Iraq.’

‘America’d never be so mad. I’ve been in America. Your people are too damned level-headed.’

‘If the President’s behind it - ‘An Armenia without Armenians! Turks under Christian rule?’

His lips smacked in irony under the droopy red moustache. ‘That’s bloodshed - just Smyrna over again on a bigger scale. If you touch that business you’re bigger fools than I’ve ever taken you for”.

There are many interesting passages in Dunn’s book about the atrocities committed in the east by the Armenians. We shall not mention them, remaining loyal to the principle we have started at the beginning of our book. On 3 June, Karabekir wrote as follows (p. 66):

“Today the Information Department of the General Staff reported the following summary of the Istanbul newspapers: an Armenian delegation of twelve members has returned to our city from the Caucasus where they examined the Armenian demands and assertions. The said delegation will submit to the Peace Conference the report it has prepared based on documents whose rejection is unacceptable.

Summary of the report:

1. As there is no Armenian population left due to their flee to Russia, it is impossible that an important and extensive Government, as conceived by the Armenians, be formed.

2. The lack of money in Armenia is perceptible in that proportion. If there is no financial aid, the Government will not be able to survive for long. The information we have received from Armenia is the following:

‘On July 5th and 6th , the Armenians attacked the town of Büyük Vadi (a large Azerbaijani village) in the vicinity of Erivan, but retreated when they were defeated. It seems there were 800 dead and 1,200 wounded. The Turks seized much, including two cannons and six machine guns. A secret order given by the general charged with the operation was also obtained. It states that the Muslims will be destroyed and thrown into the Aras river. The Commander of the force which attacked was General Mayor Sholkonikof, who signed the order’.

Following the incident, two British officers came from Erivan. They stated that they would reconcile the Armenians and the Muslims, and that the cannons belonged to the British. They took the cannons and left. The Muslims tater realize that these officers were two Armenians wearing British uniforms. The Armenians obtained rein forcements and again surrounded the town. This shows that despite the fact that Armenia, which has no money or population left, and has occupied the three provinces with the guidance of the British, is uncontrollably ambitious. The Armenians who are very much covered with the support of America, England, and France, became almost intoxicated with their own dream of conquering Sivas. It seems that the Armenians who have previously occupied our three provinces with the same trick wish to shake hands in Kizilirmak with the Greeks who have occupied Izmir, and that they dream of making the Kizilirmak flow red with Turkish blood. It seems that the Armenians and Greeks have sworn and are swearing in churches that they will drown the Turk. It seems that the civilized world will celebrate this red day”.

The record for 8 July (p. 71):

“On 8 July we received some information about the Armenians. Apparently they have begun to pillage and massacre the Muslim villages all along the border. Tonight Rawlinson was in Hasankale. The information was documented. Without any doubt, these attacks by the Armenians occurred with the order of the British. I told him on the telephone that he should immediately go to Sarikamish and see the situation for himself. I wrote to him as follows:

‘To His Excellency Rawlinson, the British Representative,

1. Those individuals who have escaped in order to save their lives, have reported that the Armenians have begun to destroy by massacres the Muslim inhabitants of Kaghizman and its vicinity.

2. The Armenians have attacked Kurudere, have killed 5 men and 3 women, and have taken along 33 men,1 bride ,1 girl, and 440 head of cattle.

3. It is known that on July 4th, they attacked four villages under the jurisdiction of Akchakale between Kars and Oltu, and have killed all the inhabitants of one, and have taken 60 men from each other village, and butchered them. The Armenians who attacked these villages made use of five cannons, and seven machine guns. The Commander of this force was someone named Arshak.

4. In the village of Yüzkush, the Armenians abducted the sister, wife, and daughter of a Muslim.

5. The Armenians are continuing to massacre Muslims in the vicinity of Karakut. I request that this distressing situation, which is occurring outside the border, and which is creating deep effects on the people in general, be stopped, that the responsible ones be punished, and that we are enlightened on this matter. Respectfully, Kazim Karabekir”

On 26 July, Kazim Karabekir received the following telegram from Rawlinson (p. 85):

“To the Commander of the 15th Army Corps. You are not doing your best. The train is held in Sarikamish guarded by gendarmerie. The field train came to the border with the British guard officers. Your gendarmerie does not allow the passage of the train so it can pick up the cannon parts. The Commander in Ziyon does not assign soldiers to transfer the cannon parts through quarters where the road has been destroyed. Recently the individuals at hand have proved insufficient to clear the road. For this reason, if there is no other prompt means by which they may be transferred, it is my duty to inform the High Commission in Istanbul that the transfer of spare cannon parts they requested is being intentionally delayed by you”.

Karabekir Pasha writes as follows concerning this telegram:

“The Armenians are firing guns at the border. They are screaming "to Sivas". At a time when everywhere there are attacks on my area, any person other than Rawlinson would realise the foolishness of his acts”.

On 27 July the Ministry of War in Istanbul requested information about the situation. The following correspondence took place (p. 94):

“To the office of the Acting Inspector of the 3rd Army. The General Gendarmerie Command informs us, basing on the communication of the Erzurum Gendarmerie Regiment Commander, that the Armenians in Sarikamish are gathering large forces, weapons, and ammunition, that they will attack with this force from the direction of Chakirbaba-Soghanli, and that they are destroying the Muslims in the area of Kars by seizing and arresting them. I request that I be informed of the situation.

To the Ministry of War.

The Armenians are inflicting all sorts of cruelties on the Muslims in the Caucasus, and are sending forces to quarters which resist them. To achieve this aim, they are sending forces to the areas of Nahichevan, Sherur, and the vicinity of Kaghizman and Oltu, and are const antly following the policy of destroying Muslims. We have been informed that recently approximately five hundred cavalrymen and infantrymen and four cannons have arrived in Sarikamish, as part of the reinforcement troops of the Armenians, that the Armenians are requisitioning from the inhabitants of Sarikamish and its western district military taxes together with carts and vehicles; and it was not assumed that they will engage in any operations against the Muslims in the direction of Oltu.

The rumors spread by the Armenians that they will occupy the six provinces and that they will soon go to Sivas, and their activities and operations near the border, are having adverse effects on the people who are uninformed of the general situation and the political conditions, and are spreading all sorts of rumor and increasing existing fears. As long as we possess the arms which we have today, we are in a secure position against any attacks of the Armenians.

Kazim Karabekir”.

There are successive reports about the attacks made by the Armenian bands in the three provinces outside the truce borders. It is of course impossible to record every one of them. During this time, Kazim Karabekir Pasha was making preparations against any possible attack against the Truce border. He gives an account of the situation on 23 September (p. 284):

“I was ready with my four divisions against an attack from any direction. One division (3) was aligned against the Pontic Greeks along the shore in the vicinity of Trabzon; two divisions (9 and 12) were against the Armenians in the valley of Pasinler, and ready against all sides; another division (11) was against the Armenians in the area of Van-Beyazit-Karaköse. My main plan was to attack the Armenians, in the event of the beginning of an attack, and thus eliminate the danger. I am spreading the rumor that my forces have a hundred thousand bayonets. The foreigners who come and go, the British officials, and even Rawlinson believed that I could gather such a force and that the people had this quantity of arms in their possession”.

On 24 September the delegation of General Harbord came to Erzurum. On 25 September, Karabekir Pasha submitted a report to Harbord about the situation. The following passage concerns the Armenians (p.292-304):

“The weapons of the army which we had demobilised in Batum were placed in warehouses in Batum, guarded by officers and soldiers. These weapons have all been taken and given to the Armenians, the Greeks, and the Russians. They have confiscated the gasoline, kerosene and fuel oil we had purchased from the Government of Azerbaidjan in Batum, and they have seized the provisions and the railway cars brought by our troops... After the Ottoman soldiers had retreated from the areas of Kars, Ardahan, and Kaghizman on January 1, 1335 (1919), following the truce, the Muslims, who constituted the great majority of this region, formed a national council in Kars. They began to administer the area. The council administered the said region and maintained public security and order in a praiseworthy way”.

During the administration of the council no incidents occurred. Peace and order were excellent. When the Ottoman soldiers had retreated, British soldiers arrived in Kars. The British representative accepted and approved the council and was pleased with the administration of the council. The council’s efficiency in maintaining public order was appreciated. However, after a short period of time, the British occupied the Council in April 1335 with the troops they had brought, and exiled or arrested some of its members. They took control of the administration and one night they brought Armenian soldiers from Gumru to Kars without the knowledge of the Muslims. They increased the Armenian forces with the influence of the British, and handed power over to the Armenians. After the Armenians had settled in this manner in all parts of the region with the support of the British, they began to destroy the Muslims and thus were in a majority. They began to inflict much cruelty and oppression. For this reason tranquility and order in the area disappeared. Every day, the blood of hundreds and thousands of Muslims was shed. The support and protection of the British spoiled the Armenians, and increased the cruelties of the Armenians against the Muslims. The Armenians obtained Sarikamish, Kaghizman, and Ardahan from the British. They settled in this region with the support of the British. On September 5th 1335, a British officer, accompanied by Ahmet Bey, a member of the Kars National Council, and two Armenian officers, as well as eight Armenian gendarmes, visited Eyyup Pasha, the leader of a tribe in the vicinity of Bardiz, offered him the opportunity to surrender to the Armenians and threatened that they would be punished severely, because working against the British Government was a serious crime. Although they made suggestions that they submit to the Armenians, they did not say anything as they listened to the atrocities inflicted by the Armenians. As the Armenians attacked on July 5,1335 several Muslim villages near Karakurt and engaged in massacres, the Muslims united and put up resistance.

On July 7,1335, a British officer came and ordered that cannon shots be fired on the Muslims (it is possible that this man was an Armenian officer wearing a British uniform). The British representative in Erzurum, Rawlinson, on the basis of the information he received on July 4,1335 from the Kars representative, that 40,000 Muslim refugees had gathered in the area, and that it was possible for an incident to occur, stated that he was going to go to the area to examine the situation. And he went. As a result, he confirmed that the Armenians had committed atrocities and massacres against the Muslims in Kars, Sarikamish, and Kaghizman. On June 5,1335, a British lieutenant came from Ighdir to Beyazit, accompanied by an Armenian interpreter, and met with the governor of Beyazit. They communicated that the area of Beyazit was given to the Armenian Government which was formed under the protection of the British Government, they notified that the Conference possessed this communication, that they would be bringing 15,000 Armenians, protected by Armenian soldiers, within one month. On the same day they left for Baku and Iran.

The British representative Rawlinson has confessed that this officer wearing a British uniform was in fact an Armenian, and that this offer had no real basis. Confirmation of these passages we have quoted from Karabekir Pasha’s report may be found on pp.198-216 of Rawlinson’s book.

On 22 October news was received that the Armenians were preparing to occupy Oltu, and correspondence was found concerning Armenian preparations to unite with the tribes of the region. An Armenian named Hatchador Agha had sent letters to various tribal leaders, Hamit Bey, Ali Merze Bey, Ahmet Hasan Bey, and Yusuf Bey (pp. 344-5).

The follo wing message sent by Mustafa Kemal Pasha to Karabekir Pasha on 22 January 1336 (1920) is important, as it concerns the Malta exiles (p. 426):

“Should the British in Istanbul continue to fail to observe the truce, and arrest some persons among the ministers and deputies, particularly Rauf Bey, in retaliation, the British officers present in Anatolia will be arrested. Consequently, I request that measures be adopted to prevent the escape of Rawlinson in Erzurum. Mustafa Kemal. Istanbul was occupied on 16 March. At that time Rawlinson was in Erzurum”.

We give below the texts of the order sent by Karabekir Pasha to the Commandant of the Erzurum Fortress, and the message he received from Rawlinson (p.502):

“To the Commandant of the Fortress.

It is possible that the people of Erzurum will become agitated and mistreat Rawlinson, the British representative here, because of events such as the seizure of the Istanbul Government by the British, and their arresting various persons. Consequently it is necessary that the residence of the aforementioned man be protected by soldiers and an officer, that the weapons and arms in his possession and in the possession of his staff are taken and placed temporarily in a suitable place, and that the attention of the said man is called to the fact that this procedure has the aim of protecting his life and honor. Kazim Karabekir.

My Pasha: I express to you my deepest regrets as I have been informed by you of t he events. At the same time, my staff and I are at your orders. I regard it as a duty to present my gratitude in the face of your courtesy and your gracious and well thought treatment you have considered in the presence of this sinister situation. I request the acceptance of my feelings, my Pasha. Rawlinson”.

Rawlinson was freed in exchange for the Malta exiles. The occupation of Istanbul, and the fact that the Assembly was closed, and the deputies were arrested, necessitated a different strategy. On 16 March, Mustafa Kemal Pasha sent the following telegram to Karabekir Pasha (p. 505):

“We request, Sir, that we be informed about the time and place of the implementation of the idea which has been discussed for a long time concerning an attack in the East. In the name of the Representative Delegation, Mustafa Kemal”.

On 16 March, Kazim Karabekir Pasha replied to the telegram (p. 505):

“The situation in Istanbul and the form the Government will take have not been entirely determined. The Bolshevik armies did not arrive in the Caucasus mountains, and no communication has arrived from any front. The Bolsheviks will not be able to bring their fleet into the Caspian Sea via the Volga river before the end of April, and will not be able to begin any operations before that time. Because there is much snow within my area, and especially between Erzurum and Sarikamish, the realization of the serious operation will be quite difficult at the beginning and even before the middle of April”.

Kazim Karabekir. Kazim Karabekir Pasha wrote on 22 March (p. 523):

“With the occupation of Istanbul, the Armenians have in creased their audacity. In the days preceding the occupation, the British were engaged in a world-wide propaganda effort claiming ‘the Armenians are being massacred everywhere. Taking this as a good pretext, massacres of the Muslims began. I thought it was necessary that I write an official protest to the military commander of the Armenian Republic, and that the Representativ e Delegation send a letter of protest to the civilized states. I sent their texts to theRepresentative Delegation. It was considered appropriate and it was done.

The letter I wrote to the Armenians:

‘The atrocities and massacres which have been committed for a long time against the Muslim population within the Armenian Republic have been confirmed with very accurate information, and the observations made by Rawlinson, the British representative in Erzurum, have confirmed that these atrocities are being committed by the Armenians. The United States delegation of General Harbord has seen the thousands of refugees who came to take refuge with us, hungry and miserable, their children and wives, their properties destroyed, and the delegation was a witness to the cruelties.

Many Muslim villages have been destroyed by the soldiers of Armenian troops armed with cannons and machine guns before the eyes of our troops and the people. When it was hoped that this operation would end, unfortunately since the beginning of February 1336 (1920) the cruelties inflicted on the Muslim population of the region of Shuraghel, Akpazar, Zarshad, and Childir have increased. According to documented information, 28 Muslim villages have been destroyed in the aforementioned region, more than 2,000 people have been killed, many possessions and livestock have been seized, young Muslim women have been taken to Kars and Gumru, hundreds of women and children who were able to flee their villages were beaten and killed in the mountains, and this aggression against the properties, lives, chastity and honor of the Muslims is still continuing... It is the responsibility of the Armenian Government that the cruelties and massacres be stopped in order to alleviate the tensions of Muslim public opinion due to the atrocities committed by the Armenians, that the possessions taken from the Muslims be returned and that indemnities be paid, that the properties, lives, and honor of the Muslims be protected. At a time when we were most threatened and weak, our Government and nation provided the Armenian nation, like all nations, with the right to exist, and with administrative freedom and self-determination.

As you will remember the justice and compassion I showed to the existence of your nation when I was there with my troops during the operation which followed the recovery of Erzurum two years ago, I hope that this expression of my good faith will be received with sincerity. I present my respects.

Kazim Karabekir”.

On 28 March Kazim Karabekir Pasha sent the following telegram to Mustafa Kemal Pasha (p. 549):

“1. The information is documented. The Armenians, who were very much confused during the recent victories which put an end to the survival of the Denikin Army in the Caucasus, have engaged in surprise attacks against the Muslims in the areas of Ordubad, Nahichevan, and Vedibasar since March l9th. These Armenian attacks have been repelled in these three Muslim areas, determined to defend their rights and honor with much courage and sacrifice, and the Armenians suffered many casualties. The Muslims in the area of Vedibasar have defeated the enemy of superior strength who attempted to attack them without any reason, and took as war booty four machine guns and other weapons. Later, they followed the defeated Armenians up to the mountain 7-8 km. to the east of the city of Revan, which is the capital of Armenia, and approached the barbed wire on this mountain which the Armenians have fortified to protect Revan. The Muslim forces which demonstrated their determination as they stayed one night on this mountain and cut the barbed wire with daggers and knives, returned victorious to their area.

Kazim Karabekir”.

Karabekir Pasha had prepared the operation plan on 26 April. He wrote (p.624):

“My plans against the Armenian insurgents. Because the weather was favorable I began to have the troops approach the border since April 26th. It is now possible to begin the operation against the Armenians in two weeks, that is in May.

The weather and the terrain are propitious. Only there is a small British force in the area of Batum. But they lack mobility. Because the Georgians are in contact wi th the Bolsheviks, it is clear that they will be neutral in an operation we mount against the Armenians, if we do not attack them. If Greek troops land on our shores, and join the local Greek population of Trabzon which is already inflamed, they will suffer great material and moral damage. However, it cannot be expected that the Greeks who are engaged in occupations here and there in the west will be able to send significant forces to our eastern shores. But it is possible that detachments belonging to any one of several states will land on Trabzon when the Armenian operation has begun, in order to exert pressure and to have an effect on the morale of the army and the people. For this reason, I will evacuate our shores so as not to encourage them.

Should our operation continue within Armenia, if I see any activities against us by the Georgian Army, the Bolsheviks having freed the Georgians, I will have the area of Oltu occupied by the 3rd Regiment, which is the strongest, and its two artillery batteries, and leave for the present the two regiments of the 3rd Detachment which is based in Trabzon, on the shores. I will gather the 9th and l2th divisions in the area of Horasan-Hortum, the border against the area of Sarikamish, I will also gather the regiments of the Army Corps, the Battery, and Cavalry and the regiments of several tribes in this area, and execute the operation with them. In the right wing I will gather the 11^th division, which is based in Van, in the area of Beyazit. One detachment of this division will reinforce the local Turkish forces (the detachment of Captain Halil Bey) in the area of Shahtahti-Nahichevan and will threaten the direction of Iravan (Yerevan), and will draw some Armenian forces on themselves.

I will gather another detachment which forms the nucleus of the tribal regiments in Karaköse. I will gather the tribal regiments of the areas of Beyazit-Karaköse and the south in Beyazit and Karaköse according to their distance. I will occupy the region up to Aras with the 11th division, and I will also threaten the direction of Iravan (Yerevan), and surprise the Armenians while engaged in fighting the Kars stronghold. This is a summary of my plan according to the most recent situation. With the occupation of Kars, we will recover the area up to our’93 [1878) border. The rest will be continued according to the condition of the Bolsheviks and the Georgians. I think that we will be engaged in three important battles, in the mountains of Soghanli, the line of Yeni Selim, and Kars, based on our experience of the past year and the nature of the terrain. Despite the fact that among these, Kars is the most important, because its barbed wire and fortifications are numerous and quite strong, I have great hopes that we wilt take Kars with manoeuvres against the Armenian army which we will weaken before then. To attack the Kars fortress would be the greatest error. As we have many mobile tribal regiments, I am convinced that we can destroy the Armenians by surprising

them, by attacking between Kars and Armenia, and having my entire forces attack from east and north-east of Kars. Of course what will determine the final outcome of the Kars battle will be the Armenians’ activities. The battle of Kars will constitute the second stage of the Armenian war, and its last stage will be the battle to the east of Gumru. This is the stage shown by my experience of the past year”.

Karabekir Pasha, in the telegram he sent on the same day, 26 April, to Mustafa Kemal, stated this situation and requested instructions:

“The concentration of the Army Corps has begun. It is expected that it will be completed in two weeks. Our food supplies will not enable us to stay longer after the completion of the concentration... I request permission again that military instructions be sent immediately. If it is considered inconvenient for the decision to be made by the National Assembly at such short notice, or if the National Assembly is unable at this time to take such a decision, I request that we have freedom of operation in order not to lose this last opportunity”.

On 28 April he received the following answer (p. 627):

“The message dated April 26, 1336 has been received. The copy of the instructions you have requested has been presented on April 26, 1336 after modification. We request that the situation be maintained. It is certain, Sir, that in any case the decision about the border operation will be communicated from here. M. Kemal”.

The reason why the order to begin the operation was not given is found in this telegram to Karabekir Pasha, dated 10 May:

“1. The point of view of the National Assembly is that a military operation outside the borders must not begin before contact has been made with the Bolsheviks and before a concrete agreement has been reached. For this reason, as this been communicated before, it is necessary that the operation is postponed until an agreement.

2. Bekir Sami Bey and Yusuf Kemal Bey will leave Ankara tomorrow in the direction of Erzurum. I request that the soldiers who will join them there are summoned. The president of the Grand National Assembly. Mustafa Kemal”.

The opinions of the Army Corps Intelligence and Karabekir Pasha were stated in the circular sent to the units on 26 May (p.750):

“1. Wounded Georgian soldiers are constantly arriving at Poti. Bolshevik activities have considerably increased in the areas of Poti, Sohumkale, and Camciri. The Greeks are continuing to escape in motor boats.

2. An Armenian detachment formed of infantrymen, cannons, and machine guns, which wanted 3 million manat (local money) and 200 horses from the village of Chakmak to the north west of Kars, has demolished the village, and has pillaged the properties and possessions of the inhabitants.

3. The Armenians demanded ninety thousand manat as ransom from twenty-seven Muslim villages in total in the region of Yukari Kotanli, Aşağı Kotanli, Kemerli, Tuzluca, Bocuklu, Subhanazat, Kars Ighdyr, Cavlak, Pasli, Karacayir, and said that if they did not give in, they would meet the same fate as the village of Chakmak.

4. The Muslims who are being oppressed by the cruelties of the Armenians are constantly asking our border commanders with the Malakan villages for help. Finally, on 20 September they tell of the attacks and atrocities by the Armenians which have increased. They plead that their lives and honor be protected. It has been confirmed that they are making preparations to murder all the Muslims outside the border, and to pillage their properties.

Kazim Karabekir”.

After this date extensive correspondence took place concerning the beginning of the operation. It appears that Ankara did not consider it suitable to invade the borders of Brest-Litovsk again before making contact with the Russians. With this aim, the delegation of Bekir Sami Bey when to Moscow. Finally, on 6 June, the following instructions for Karabekir Pasha arrived from Ankara (p.727):

“The suggestion dated June 4,1336 of the Commander of the 15th Army Corps concerning the advance of the troops to invade the Soghanli passes in order to improve our defensive position, has been examined and approved by the Council of Ministers. Because the right to occupy the three provinces has been given by the Grand National Assembly to the Executive Committee, the Council of Ministers has decided that the suggestion be implemented, based on this authority. The necessary documents for the administration and announcement of the political aspect of the decision will be communicated to your Excellency. It is requested that until then no political attempt be made, and that we are informed as to when this operation may begin.

Mustafa Kemal”.

The following is Karabekir Pasha’s reply dated 7 June (p. 728):

“I gave the order to mobilise the 305th through the 316th detachments of conscripts in order to double the forces available for the military operation. This mobilisation will not affect all areas of the Army Corps, and is restricted to the areas of the provinces of Erzurum, Van, and the sub-district of Erzincan. On June l2th the rest of the headquarters will be transferred to the hills of Horum. I am having explorations made. It is requested that the operation begin according to the situation, not before the l6th of June.

Kazim Karabekir”.

As Karabekir Pasha was about to begin the operation, the operation was postponed by instructions that he received on the night of 22 June. On 27 June, the Armenians attacked Tuzca near Oltu, but retreated because these areas were held by troops. On 30 June the Armenians fired cannons at Oltu. On 1 July there was an Armenian attack in the region of Bardiz; eight private soldiers died. On 8 July the Armenians organized two attacks on Dughun Tepe.

The Armenians developed their operations in the region of Nahichevan. On 22 and 23 July they attacked the area of Kaghizman, and on 9 September they began to invade the area of Kulp. Finally, on 20 September 1920 Karabekir Pasha was given permission to begin the operation. He instructed the troops with an order dated 26 September 1920 that the operation would begin on 28 September 1920 at 3 a.m. The matters we have recorded here in detail, which can be considered as unnecessary, were aimed at emphasising one point: the Armenians often spread rumors that the Turks had in fact attacked them in the east throughout the two-year period from the time the truce was signed until 28 September 1920, when the actual offensive began. We can find a typical example of this in the French Archives. Aharonian, who went to Paris for the Peace Conference, stated in a letter dated 11 September 1919 which he sent to Clemenceau, the French Prime Minister, that:

“The regular troops of Mustapha Kemal Pasha, the Turco-Tartar bands and the Kurdish hordes have begun to surround the Armenian Republic. Our troops were forced to abandon the province of Nahichevan, after a fierce battle, because of a lack of ammunition, and retreat before the enemy forces which are numerically far superior. Two divisions of Mustapha Kemal Pasha are attacking Sarikamish and Kaghizman…”.

In the presence of the advancing Turkish troops, the Armenian population of the Kars area and the Armenian refugees are escaping towards Iravan (Yerevan). The occupation of this district by the Turks is imminent. The letter ended with a request for intervention. How can one reply to such a flagrant lie? As can be seen, Karabekir Pasha did not find it appropriate to engage in an operation before the middle of April 1920, and waited until 28 September because he did not receive the order before then, and the Turkish soldiers did not attack the truce border. On the other hand, the Armenians created many sad incidents on the other side of the border.

We can now summarise developments after the beginning of the operation.

On the morning of 29 September, Sarikamish was recovered; in the evening Chalak, Divrik and the Bezirgan Pass were recovered.

Merdinik was taken on 30 September.

On 1 October Kaghizman was taken.

On 13 October the Armenians began their counter-offensive. They were driven away. Bashkaya and the outer localities were taken.

On 24 October, Karabekir Pasha announced the order to attack Kars.

On 27 October the offensive began. The hills of Yahniler and the hill of Vezirköy-Üçler were taken.

On 30 October, the day when the offensive against the Kars fortress was begun, the fortress and the city were recovered. Karabekir Pasha recorded the number of individuals who were captured on that day (p. 841):

“The number of prisoners who were gathered in the station in my headquarters until the evening included: 3 generals, 6 colonels, 12 majors, 16 captains, 59 lieutenants, 16 civilian officials, 12 officers, 4 cadets. The number of captured soldiers was 1,150. The number of confirmed Armenian casualties was 1,100. There were 337 cannons, 339 cannons which needed repair, an abundant number of machine guns, all kinds of bullets and other war equipment, projectors, etc. Among the prisoners were Vekilof, the President of the General Staff, Aratof, the Minister of War, Primof, the commander of the Kars fortress, and a civilian minister. The offensive I organized, using counter front strategy, gave us a great victory, and resulted in the defeat of an important part of the enemy army, and in return for taking a modern fortress we had few casualties: 9 dead and 47 wounded.

In my order to attack Kars, I had stated that ‘The aim of the offensive operation is to destroy the Armenian army within Kars and by pursuing them after Kars’. As a matter of fact, my soldiers had showed that the Turkish Army was far superior in force to the most civilized armies, and more humane. Despite the fact that they attacked like lions such a modern fortress as Kars, they did not commit even the smallest cruelty against the Armenian inhabitants”.

This was witnessed also by the American delegation there and stated in the telegram they sent to Admiral Bristol on 31 October:

“All the Americans in Kars are well and the Turkish Army gives us excellent protection and all consideration. We have permission as before to continue our organization. The Turkish soldiers are well disciplined and there have been no massacres.

Edward Fox, District Commander, Near East Relief. Kars”.

On 3 November the Gumru operation was begun. On 6 November the Armenians requested a truce. They were notified that their request would be accepted if they relinquished Gumru. On 7 November Gumru surrendered. On 8 November the terms of truce were communicated from Ankara to Karabekir Pasha, as follows:

1. The delimitation of the Turkish -Armenian border will be a simple matter of statistics and general vote. All inhabitants of the disputed areas will be invited to determine their own political destiny according to the principles announced by the Bolsheviks and by President Wilson, which stipulated that nations should determine their own destiny. This population will vote in full freedom for their right to form an independent government or to be subject to one government. We agree that the gendarmes of various governments shall be employed until the completion of the voting in disputed areas in order to ensure that the votes are given in absolute freedom. Of course the collection of the votes must be done as soon as possible. The Ankara Government is convinced that this solution is just, that it is in the interests of humanity and consequently conforms to the interests of the Turkish and Armenian groups and of the people who reside in the disputed areas.

Unfortunately we are afraid that the Iravan (Yerevan) Government refuses this solution in order to present a good image to the Western imperialist and especially to England. This situation will be in contradiction to the political principle applied by their western protectors to the people of Asia and Africa.

2. Turkey engages itself to take all steps within its power in order to provide the secure development and the complete independence of its neighboring community. Within our powers, we shall help Armenia and the establishment of the economy of that country.

3. The Governments of both sides agree that they will not prevent the passage in absolute freedom of persons and possessions belonging to the other side, using their roads, and will in no way prevent transfer between any country or population center of the other side.

4. Turkey is engaged to ensure that the Armenians who left their lands during the World War may return and resettle in their original places of residence, and that these people shall enjoy the same rights as minorities in the most civilized countries.

5. Turkey demands that Armenia give a guarantee for its security. Our delegates expect the Armenian delegates authorised to take part in and sign the peace negotiations in Gumru.

6. The Commander-in-Chief of our eastern front will communicate to you the terms of truce which will end hostilities during the peace negotiations.

The Armenians announced on 10 November that they refused the armistice terms. On 11 November the operation began again. On 15 November, the Armenians were defeated in Shahtahti, and once again requested an armistice. A cease-fire was declared on 18 November, and on 25 November peace negotiations began in Gumru. Hatissian presided over the Armenian delegation. The Gumru Agreement was signed on 30 November.

Later, the regions which the Georgian had occupied after the Mudros Treaty were recovered. Ardakhan was taken on 23 February, Ahiska on 9 March, Batum on 11 March and Ahilkelek on 14 March. On 16 March 1921 the Moscow Agreement was made with the Russians in Moscow. The first article of the Moscow Treaty determined the TurkishRussian border.

We give below the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and l5th articles.

Article 1. Each of the contracting parties accepts as a principle not to recognize any peace treaty or any international contract which may be forced on the other party. The Federated Soviet Republics of Russia recognize by the term ‘Turkey’ all the areas which were announced on January 28th 1336 [1920] by the deputies of the Istanbul Assembly [National Pact) and which has been communicated to all the Governments and to the Press. Turkey is represented by the Grand National Assembly... [Then the border line is designated as the present-day border].

Article 2. Turkey agrees to relinquish to Georgia the right to rule over the city and harbor of Batum and the area which is to the north of the border set forth in the First Article of this Treaty, and which is part of the district of Batum, with the conditions set below...

Article 3. Both sides... agree that the area of Nahichevan constitutes a sovereign region under the protection of Azerbaijan, on condition that Azerbaijan does not relinquish this protection to a third state.

Article 15. Russia engages itself to ensure that the Caucuses Republics accept the articles which concern them in this Turkish -Russian Agreement, and in the agreements to be made between Turkey and these said Republics. The Moscow Agreement was approved by the Grand National Assembly on 27 March. The certificates of this agreement, which was also approved by the Russians, were exchanged in Kars on 22 September 1921.

On 26 September the Kars Conference began, concerning the agreements to be made with the Caucasus Republics. The chief delegates were: Ganetzki (Russian Soviet), Behhud Shahtahtinski (Azerbaijan), Ilyava and Shvanidze (Georgia), Muravian and Makinzian (Armenia). We wish to record the speech made by Muravian, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia, when the Conference began (p. 943):

“The Republics of the Caucasus have entrusted me with the responsibility of submitting to you the feelings shared by our population and us, delegates, on the occasion of the first Conference in Kars between the delegates of the Government of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and the delegates of the sister Soviet Republics of Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia of Transcaucasus.

We have not come here with antagonistic feelings, and we have no intention of presenting here the controversial issues which have been rejected because they created arguments, and which we have inherited from the former nationalist governments. No, now we are not concerned with these matters, and feelings of antagonism. We are only admirers of the brave struggle which the persevering people of Turkey engaged in. We carry a sincere wish, and we are absolutely convinced that a nation which defends its country will be victorious and the enemy will be defeated.

We are certain that this conference will strengthen the feelings of friendship of the Republics of the Caucasus in regard to Turkey, and that Turkey will learn that there are no enemies behind her, and that her neighbors are inclined to her in the struggle she engaged in against the imperialism which wanted to destroy the aspirations of the Turkish nation.

Honorable delegates! We have not come to this conference as victorious, or as vanquished. We have come to you, who are the representatives of a nation which has defeated Imperialism, and we are happy to give you the good news that our country will come victorious out of the struggle. Great Russia was able to defeat her enemies, because the workers and the peasants who are interested in protecting the victories of the great November Revolution rose with great zeal in order to defend Russia. We are absolutely convinced that the revolutionary combat of the Russian nation constitutes a great example to the Turkish nation who will be able to defeat the paid mercenaries of the Allied Powers which fight now on Anatolian lands to serve their own interests and in order to destroy the Turkish nation.

The nations of the Caucasus are certain that this conference will prepare a solid foundation for friendship and sisterhood with the Turkish nation, and will be able to settle easily the disputed matters which are easily settled between the Soviet Republics. The Delegates of the three Soviet Republics who have deep and noble feelings for the Turkish nation salute the Conference”.

The treaty negotiations ended on 10 October. The agreement was signed on 13 October at 2 p.m. The 1st, 2nd, 4th (only the first paragraph), 5th, 6^th (only the first sentence), and l5th articles of this agreement were:

1. The Government of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and the Governments of the Socialist Republics of Armenian, Azerbaijan and Georgia have annulled the agreements which were concluded between the governments which previously exercised their right of sovereignty in the area of the governments of the agreement, and which concerned the said area, and the agreements which were concluded with the three states concerning the Trans-Caucasian Republics. It is clear that the Turkish -Russian agreement which was concluded in Moscow on March 16,1337-1921, is an exception to the content of this article.

2. Each of the signatory governments accepts the fact that they will not recognize any peace agreement or international contract which is forced upon the other. In accordance with this agreement, the Soviet Socialist Republics of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia accept that they will not recognize any international contract which the National Turkish Government represented by the Grand National Assembly does not recognize.

3. The Government of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey accepts that it will not recognize any international contract which concerns Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia but which is not recognized by the Governments of the countries represented by the Councils of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia.

4. The border of North-Eastern Turkey is the border (according to the 1:210,000 verst scale map of the Russian War Staff) which begins in the village of Sarp on the shores of the Black Sea, which goes through the mountain of Hedismena and Shavshat mountains and the waters of Kanlidagh, and which continues until the former northern border of the sanjaks of Kars and Ardahan, and until the estuary of the rivers of Nijni Karasu Ashagi Karasu and Arpachay, and which follows the thalweg of the river of Aras.

5. The Governments of Turkey and Azerbaijan agree that the area of Nahichevan is an autonomous area, defined by enclosure No. 3 appended to this agreement, and protected by Azerbaijan.

6. With the conditions stated below, Turkey agrees to relinquish to Georgia the harbor and city of Batum, and t he area which is to the north of the border which is set forth in the fourth article of this agreement, and the rest of the district of Batum.

15. The Governments signatory to the agreement are engaged in declaring a general amnesty restricted to the citizens of the other side about the murders and atrocities committed as part of the war in the Caucasian front, following the signing of this agreement.

The eastern front was thus eliminated.

Kachaznuni reports as follows about the conclusion of this front.

“The Turkish -Armenian war began at the beginning of autumn and ruined us totally. Probably it was impossible for us to escape this war. In 1918 Turkey was left alone for a period of two years. Measures which would take into consideration the fact of its defeat, and which would introduce new systems, were not taken. During these two years the Turks had been relieved.

Their wounds had healed. Young, patriotic, enterprising officers appeared, and began to reorganize the Army in Anatolia... Something cannot be refuted, that is we did not make any effort to avoid the war. There was a simple and inexcusable reason for this. We had no idea of the strength of the Turks, and we were too sure of our own strength. This was the main error. We were too sure of our own strength. This was the main error. We were not afraid of the war, because we were sure that we would win. Just as we had no idea of the strength of the Turks with the insensitivity peculiar to ignorant and inexperienced people, no preventive measures had been taken at the border. On the contrary we invaded Oltu, as if we were engaging in a duel. It was as if we wanted war. When confrontations at the border began, the Turks offered peace negotiations. We refused in a haughty manner.

This proved to be a great error. The reason was not only that we were sure of our victory, but the fact that it was impossible for us to be reconciled. It might not have been realize, but it was not impossible. In spite of everything, we did have an opportunity to agree with the Turks... We did nothing to avoid the war, on the contrary we gave a reason for the war. The fact that we had been unable to estimate Turkish strength and that we did not have a clear idea of our own strength were inexcusable errors. Our army, which was well clad, well fed and welt armed, did not fight, it retreated constantly, it left its fortifications, it abandoned its arms, and scattered to villages... When Karabekir Pasha arrived at Alexandropolis in the second half of November, the Bureau-Government submitted its resignation to Parliament. It had been defeated and humiliated, it could no longer stay in power. The peace negotiations would begin, and it was preferable that these negotiations be made by new individuals. After a short period of indecision, it was decided that a government should be formed with the social revolutionaries and the Dashnaks, under the leadership of U.Vrassian...”

The Turks had occupied Alexandropolis. At the same time the Armenian Bolsheviks entered Ichevan and Telijan in the direction of Aghistaf led by the Red Army. Was there an agreement between the Turks and the Bolsheviks? At the beginning we believed such a possibility. But now I think that we were wrong, because no evidence to this effect has been found. It was probable that the Bolsheviks wanted to destroy our army from within, and an agreement with the Turks was not necessary for this...

On December 1^st or on November 30th, our representatives signed an agreement with the Turks in Alexandropolis. The articles of this agreement were as harsh as in Batum. Again on December 1st, the Vrassian Government resigned and transferred power to the Bolsheviks. Because the events which occurred in the Republic of Armenia are outside our topic of discussion, we shall not report them.

3 The southern front

The Mudros Truce stipulated a withdrawal in the east of Turkey behind the pre-war borders. However, in the south it did not give the victorious powers the right to occupy areas to the north of the armistice line. It only stipulated the occupation of the Taurus tunnels, with article 10.

The fifth article of the Truce stated that “The troops which are in Hejaz, Assyria, Yemen, Syria, and Iraq will surrender to the nearest Allied Commander, and parts of the forces in Cilicia, which are more than the required amount for the maintenance of order, will be discharged”.

Mustafa Kemal Pasha, in the second article of a telegram dated 3 November 1918 which he sent to the Commander-in-Chief, stated: “While we recognize as the border of Syria, the north of the border of the province of Syria, it is necessary that we are informed if there is another point of view. There are no troops we have left in Syria, and with which we have contact. We have a campaign force in Hejaz. But we do not even have radio contact with it. Despite the fact that the region of Cilicia contains an important part of the province of Adana, its borders are unknown. It is necessary for this, too, to be specified”.

In the answer of the Commander-in-Chief dated 5 November 1918, it was stated that the border of Cilicia would be announced should it prove necessary. The answer of Mustafa Kemal Pasha of the same date is a very clear example of far-sightedness:

“... My humble intention in asking about the border of Cilicia was to explain that in the British map which officially recognized its border, Syria lies to the east of the region of Cilicia, while its northern border passes through the north of Marash, because there is no doubt that the British Government, which puts the name Cilicia instead of Adana, considers that the Syrian border extends to the east of the northern part of the Cilicia border... For a few days the British have been talking about landing soldiers at Iskenderun, because in the map which shows the area of Cilicia, Iskenderun is on the borders of Syria and Cilicia. The aim is to invade Iskenderun, and to cut the line of retreat of the 7th Army which is on the Antakya-Diricemal-Ahterin line, by moving on the Iskenderun-KirikhanKatma line, and to put this army in a position which would not enable it to refrain from surrendering, just as was done in Mussul. The fact that the British have incited Armenian bands to act today in Islahiye strengthens this opinion... I ordered that the British, who may attempt to send soldiers with whatever reason and pretext to Iskenderun, are opposed with fire, that the equipment of a very weak advance outpost be left to the 7th Army, and that it draw t he main part within the Cilicia border in the direction of Katma-Islahiye”.

The answer sent by the General Staff, again on 5 November, stated:

“Although the Armistice provisions do not give the British the right and authority to invade Iskenderun... the fact that they wish to use the harbor of Iskenderun is a justifiable request... Thus the British were granted the right to land on Iskenderun. After this, the French and the British did not pay any attention to the Armistice conditions, and began to occupy the south”.

On 11 December 1918, a French battalion formed of 400 Armenians entered Dörtyol... On December 17, 1918 a French unit led by Lieutenant Colonel Romieu landed in Mersin. In the 1,500-man unit there were only 150 French soldiers. The others were Armenian legions. On December 18, 1918 General Hamlin, the Commander of the French Occupation Army of Syria, entered Adana in great pomp. The British occupied Antep on 1 January, Marash on 22 February, and Urfa on 24 March. These areas were actually areas which had been given to the French through secret agreements. Because of this, serious disputes arose with the French, and finally an agreement was reached and these provinces were given to the French on 15 September 1919. We shall not dwell on the British – French disagreements. The interested reader may refer to the books mentioned in the previous chapter by Lloyd George and Evans.

Let us summarise how and for what reasons the southern front appeared from the work of Kasim Ener, who has written the history of this front (pp. 30-40):

“The Turkish people were left face to face with the Armenians under the administration of an administrator without any influence, because the Ottoman Government had not sent someone to replace the governor Nazim Bey, who had resigned. However, General Hamlin, too, was worried about the situation of the legions and the revolutionaries, because the French soldiers, who were numerically few, had succumbed to luxury. Armed confrontations occurred first in Iskenderun, then in Belen, because of the Armenians”. exuberances and their harmful activities. The Armenian detachments who were on leave were attacked by the Turks in Ozerli on January 1, 1919. The Armenians began to kill any Muslims they could lay their hands on, to avenge those who were killed. On January 10, 1919 they attacked the farm of Abdo Agha near Kahyaoglu (Shehitlik). They killed Abdo Agha and 14 of the workers. During the confusion, one of the workers hid inside an oven, and escaped death. The next day he came to the city and told of the atrocity. A few Armenian soldiers were arrested, but were later freed. On February 10,1919 the Armenians pillaged the Turks’ shops. On February 25, the house of a money-changer named Vanli Ahmet Efendi in the Saracan quarter was pillaged during the night by his neighbor Agop and Kamvorlar. The poor man’s body was full of bayonet wounds. The Muslims were agitated. Suphi Pasha, the former deputy of Adana, went to the Government and was promised that the aggressors would be punished. Although Agop and his companions were jailed, they were pardoned as it was claimed that they were innocent. On March 14,1919 Dellal Ahmet was found dead in his house in the orchards. Of course the assailants were not found. Similar incidents occurred in our other bujaks, counties and villages. Facing this situation, the Turks began a guerilla war beginning from the area of Kirikhan-Kilis, following the cities which began to implement defensive measures. Upon this, Commander-in-Chief General Allenby divided the areas under French occupation in two. He gave the civilian administration to the French, and the military control to the British. He appointed Colonel Bremond as the governor-general of the Northern area, its center being Adana... The attitude of Bremond, who told the Armenians that he brought the greetings of Bogos Nubar Pasha, encouraged the revolutionaries further... According to Allenby’s instructions, the officials who were appointed would have to be approved by the British general headquarters. For military aid, one would refer to the Cilicia occupation command. But Bremond went even further and:

l. He appointed officers who were not on the permanent staff to the gendarmerie, he confiscated the depots.

2. He dismissed the Turkish teachers, officials whom he considered patriotic.

3. He changed the uniform of the police and the gendarmerie. The crescent on the caps was removed.

4. Teaching of the German language was forbidden in schools. The command language was changed to French.

5. He forced travellers to obtain a travel document, and to pay for their train tickets with silver and gold coins.

6. He had the Cilician seal put on the Ottoman postage stamps.

7. He subjected letters and telegrams to severe censorship.

8. He transferred the sentences given by the Adana courts to the court of appeal in Beirut.

9. He forced the Turkish people to obey his orders. He severely fined those who did not.

10. He gave all the contract rights to the French. In this manner he tried to enrich even the lowest-ranking French officers through official and private means. The Armenians who were encouraged by Bremond’s attitude increased their pillages and aggressions...

On February 15-18,1919, 3 infantry regiments, 1 Indian cavalry regiment, and 1 British regiment arrived led by the British General W. S. Leslie, and fears were dissipated. On February 19,1919 the war committee met and decided that part of the Armenian legions should be discharged. In return, General Leslie, in response to Bremond’s insistence, had Hashim Bey, the Gendarmerie Commander, arrested with the approval of Marshal Allenby, in his office on March 3, 1919.

Hashim Bey was sent to Egypt... Captain Luppe was appointed as the gendarmerie inspector. Armenians were brought in to replace the Turkish gendarmes. On March 8,1919 Captain Taillardat and First Lieutenant Suby were sent to Kozan, and Captain Arrikhi was sent to Ceyhan. They were followed by the forces of occupation. The Armenian refugees were encouraged by this, and began to torture the Muslims of that area. They shot Yunus Hoca in Ceyhan, as he was reciting the ezan (call to prayer). On April 28, 1919, Bremond announced this communication: “Within the next 24 hours, everybody will surrender their weapons to the Government. At the end of this deadline, all the houses will be searched, and if we find any arms, the owner will be hanged”.

A day after the announcement was published, the houses were searched. Sherif the quilt-maker, Mustafa the police-man, and Imam Ziya were beaten because meat knives were found in their houses... During those summer months the Turks were able to go to their orchards and summer camping grounds, thanks to the Muslim Indian soldiers, but then the scene changed... During the discussion which took place in London, it was decided that French soldiers should replace the British. As a result, two infantry battalions arrived in Adana on July 13, 1919 led by First Lieutenant Thibault. Other French troops landed in Iskenderun. Thus the French forces had settled in Cilicia, the command of Colonel Piepape was established, and trust began to disappear again, because many soldiers of these two infanty battalions were Armenians wearing French uniform... Marshal Foch reserved the 156th division led by General Dufieux for Cilicia, in accordance with the agreement of September 15,1919. Major Hassler was the Chief-of-Staff of the division.

When the British forces left Chukurova, the French had three infantry battalions and two cavalry detachments there. The situation was critical for the French administrators, owing to the fact that they had few forces. Their situation was improved when the Algerian soldiers led by General Dufieux arrived in Adana on November 1, 1919. They were followed by the Senegalese regiment. Thus the Eastern First Division led by General Dufieux was modernised in regard to weapons and equipment. The headquarters, the band company of this division, its 2lst and 22nd regiments, its cannon regiments, its heavy cannon battalions, and its fortification battalions were in Adana.

Moreover, the headquarters of the 7th cavalry regiment, and the cavalry, tank, and aeroplane detachments were also there. They had also armed the legions as well as the civilian Armenians. After having ensured absolute security in the center, the French began to organize their activities. Colonel Piepape was entrusted with replacing the British units in Urfa, Antep, and Marash. General Gouraud, who was appointed Commander-in-Chief in the Near East, came to Adana on December 11,1919. When he was passing through the Turkish quarters, he asked “Doesn’t anybody live here?” as he saw that everything was closed. Bremond then replied, “My General, the Turks live in these quarters, but they do not leave their houses as they are wild in comparison with the Christians”. The shrewd general realize the situation when he saw that the students refused to applaud for him when he visited the Boys’ High School, and they refused to sing the French national anthem in spite of pressure to do so, and at that time he understood that the situation in Chukurova was a hopeless one for them...

On November 12, 1919 General Gouraud concluded his inspection and left Adana, and, as Du Veou stated in his work La Passion de la Cilicie, ‘he left Bremond alone with the hundred thousand Armenians he had settled in Chukurova’. Again Du Veou informs us that of these Armenians, 70,000 had been settled in Adana and in it s villages, 12,000 in Dörtyol, 8,000 in Saimbeyli, and the rest in Osmaniye, Kadirli, and Kozan. Moreover, 50,000 Armenians were brought in from Istanbul and Anatolia to Antep, Marash, and Zeitun.

Before we give any information about the strength of the southern front, it is necessary to look at the French documents. G.Picot, the French High Commissioner who was in Cairo at that time, sent the following telegram to his Ministry on 19 November 1918: “The commander-in-chief to whom I insisted, on the instructions of Your Excellency, that the Armenians be entrusted with ensuring the occupation of the Taurus passages, assures me that his intention was to send them to this area as soon as possible. The measure seems to me very urgent as they have recently provoked most unfortunate incidents in Beirut”.

The following note submitted by the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to his Prime Minister on 19 November 1918 is also significant.

“...I consider, like you, that there is good reason to anticipate that the Armenian forces which are at the present time in Persia will be gathered in Armenia, or more exactly in the three Turkish provinces of Bitlis, Van, and Erzurum. However, one must take into account the fact that among the Armenian volunteers who are under Andranik’s command a large part are originally from little Armenia, that is from the northern districts of Cilicia. As this region is within the French sphere of influence according to our agreement with Great Britain, it would be advantageous if the volunteers who are from Cilicia can be sent to Antep and incorporated in the Armenian battalions of the Eastern Legion.

There is good reason for these contingents to be officered by energetic European officers, in order to prevent the hatred which has accumulated by their sufferings driving the Armenian volunteers to make reprisals. If they feel that they are under surveillance, it is probable that they will behave as civilized men.

It is not possible to determine as of now the boundaries of an Armenian nation. Even before the massacres of 1895, the Armenians were not in a majority in the so-called Armenian provinces. In the provinces of Bitlis and Van, they formed compact communities, but the statistics, which were not based on any serious census, varied from the real numbers to double the actual total, in accordance with the inclinations of their authors. In the three other provinces of Diyarbekir, Elaziz, and Trabzon, the Armenian population was much less dense, and constituted only a meager percentage of the population.

We can therefore conceive of the unification of the provinces of Van, Bitlis, Erzurum and Trabzon, with the districts separated from Elaziz, and Diyarbekir, and maybe also the district of the Russian Transcaucasus around Mount Ararat, in order to found a state of mixed nationalities, which would enjoy autonomy under the guarantee and supervision of the Allies...  As the region of Ottoman Turkey, which has fallen under French influence, will extend up to the borders of this heterogeneous state, it would be natural that France should receive the mandate from the Allied Powers to ensure the maintenance of order and good relations. The French possessions would then border the petroliferous regions of the Caspian Sea, where French capital has already been invested, and Persia, in order to attain the districts of the Transcaucasus and profit from their diverse resources”.

As can been seen, the French did not conceive of establishing an Armenia in Cilicia, but were planning to border with an Armenia which would be established in the east (that is in regions which were once relinquished to Russia), and to exert their influence in that area. In 1920, when the Armenians claimed that they were promised an Armenia in Cilicia, referring to Bogos Nubar Pasha, the French openly accused Bogos Nubar of lying. Let us look at the following letter sent by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the President of the Foreign Affairs Commission of the French Senate on 28 December 1920:

“...You have asked me whether in 1916, or since that date, the French Government had engaged itself in regard to Armenia, to constitute an autonomous Cilicia. ... I have the honor of informing you that no engagement of this nature ever took place. ...Bogos Pasha claims that M. Geroges Picot assured him in London that France had engaged herself to give, after the victory of the Allies, autonomy to Cilicia under her protection”.

This so called engagement was apparently the counterpart of the recruiting of the Armenian legion, which had been formed at the suggestion of M.Georges Picot, to help to drive the Turks from Cilicia. To strengthen his claim, Bogos Pasha cites a telegram he sent to his son in Cairo, through the mediation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in order to take the necessary measure for the establishment of the Armenian legion. He adds that, Commander Romieu, charged with this formation, confirmed to the Armenian notables the agreement reached in London, and read them a letter written by M. Briand, who was then the President of the Council, in which he declared that he was in agreement with the national Armenian delegation.

M. Georges Picot has never informed the Ministry of the discussion he had with Bogos Pasha in London: “As a matter of fact, he had no authority which would permit him to engage the French Government. The telegram sent by Bogos Pasha to his son only states ‘the official assurance that the national aspirations of the Armenians be satisfied when the Allies are victorious’. The department would not have sent this telegram if it had concerned Cilicia. Cilicia was not mentioned in this telegram. The sentence which is quoted could only refer to the establishment of an Armenian state within the limits determined by the Powers. This is exactly what was done by the Treaty of Sevres. There is no evidence in the Archives of the Foreign Affairs indicating that M. Briand wrote a letter to Commander Romieu. There is no document of any kind which confirms the claim made by Bogos Nubar Pasha that M. Georges Picot assured him that ‘France would create an autonomous Armenia, after she conquers Cilicia, within the limits of the 1916 agreement’...”

This letter continues by proving that Bogos Nubar Pasha made unfounded claims. We have included this letter here, in order to indicate to what extent Bogos Nubar Pasha, who took upon himself the right to speak on behalf of Armenia, can be trusted. Let us now continue our topic of discussion. High commissioner Picot, in a telegram he send on 26 December 1918, stated that

“The best way for us in order to found our influence among the Armenians on solid grounds, is to form the nucleus of their army under our flag”.

Picot ended his telegram dated 30 January 1919 with the following statement:

“As to the indiscipline of the Armenians, it is nearly impossible to remedy. The report dated 27 June 1919 sent by General Hamlin to the Ministry of War is even more interesting. This report concerns nineteen non-commissioned officers, corporals, and privates, belonging to the Armenian legion, who were sent to the military court because of their undisciplined behavior”.

General Hamlin wrote:

“Two death sentences have been announced. The execution of the decision has been postponed, because the two convicts submitted a petition for appeal and a petit